Thursday, October 17, 2019
Reflective Report Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words
Reflective Report - Essay Example More importantly, the course has provided me with tools for creativity and for solving problems within the business environment through the successful application of these tools and ideas. The practical application of the creativity and innovation tools has enabled me to have a wider knowledge on how to approach problems in my career and in business and come up with solutions to solve the problems. Through the module, I was able to learn the importance of creativity and how it affects performance and failures in contemporary business practice as well as how to manage them. For instance from the theory of Zeger Degraeve I have learnt on how to create an organizational culture that fosters the business belief of taking risks, experimentation and innovation and he need to focus on the qualities of decision making rather than the outcomes alone. Through the theory of Zeger, I have learnt that the results of decisions is irrelevant as a measure of decision quality as the difference between the time lapse of the decision itself and the realization of the results. In the course of the module and on the basis of Zegerââ¬â¢s theories, I have learnt that the quality of decision is measured at the moment the decision is made as decision-making is always a process is based on valuing the alternatives at the moment they are available and the present information. I have also learnt that the process of making decisions is a reflective and analytical and must embrace the tenets of effective communication. In any business, my personal lessons from this theory is that one should be judged by the quality of their performance and that progress in the career should reflect our intrinsic quality of our contribution to the business in terms of decisions. I have also managed to grasp ideas on the stages of team development from the five-step analysis given by Tuckman as these are necessary for the team in handling the
Wednesday, October 16, 2019
Qualitative Research Paper B Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3250 words
Qualitative Research Paper B - Essay Example We are surrounded by data everywhere. Our lives are influenced by data pertaining to the things we feel and see, the things we eat, the different things that we think about as also the constitution of our surroundings. Apart from this data that seems to engulf our lives, there is a separate class of data that one obtains as part of the quest to find answers to a specific question. In doing so, the efforts is often left with so much data that it is sometimes hard to ultimately determine the purpose for which the data has been collected let alone think of ways to analyze the collected data. What separates the data from information is the usefulness of the former, where analysis of data helps turn it or its subsequent outcomes into information. It is this information that helps one determine answers to questions and phenomenon that demands a structured effort. A question and its associated material that is being analyzed can be looked at from several perspectives. General forms of data and research analysis have always looked at answering the what, whom and where dimensions of the question and such an approach is hence known as quantitative approach as it tries to analyze quantifiable and measurable parameters. Nevertheless, many questions also arise with respect to why and how things occur. Answering questions determining the ââ¬Ëwhyââ¬â¢ and ââ¬Ëhowââ¬â¢ of a phenomenon requires the analysis to take an approach that analyzes the answers across several subjects and disciplines and helps arrive at a thorough understanding. This form of research is trying to ascertain the quality associated with a phenomenon and is hence known as qualitative analysis. Qualitative analysis is a very simple technique at undertaking research and consists of three essential parts. These components that are named noticing, collecting and thinking are highly interactive and follow a
Tuesday, October 15, 2019
Cultural Diversity in the U.S Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 3
Cultural Diversity in the U.S - Assignment Example The United States experiences racial conflicts, which have given birth to riots, clashes and discriminative attitude and behavior. Human rights activists always persuade to the government as well as law enforcing agencies for treating all individuals on equal foundations by offering them equal education, health, business, recreational, sports and job opportunities, so that future generations could be protected from the bloody clashes because of the unequal distribution of wealth, resources and opportunities imposed and inflicted upon the minority groups by the political, social, educational and economic institutions. Affirmative action has been in vogue in almost all states, cities and institutions of the USA particularly for the last four decades, and laws strictly condemns application of any discrimination on the individuals. ââ¬Å"There are thousands of examples of situations where people of color, white women, and working class women and men of all races who were previously excl uded from jobs or educational opportunities, or were denied opportunities once admitted, have gained access through affirmative action.â⬠(Kivel, 1997: 3) Now, no public or private reject to recruit the black, female or gay candidates to obtain employment because of their complexion, gender or sexual orientation etc. Race-sensitive admissions policies have also been adopted at schools, colleges and other educational institutions. Actually, social discrimination is not confined to employment and job only in the USA. Rather, the same prejudiced behavior could be observed in healthcare services and various educational institutions too. It was particularly the case in past when an overwhelming majority of teachers, staff members and students, belonging to white Anglo Saxon population (WASP) displayed their hatred by teasing the Black students through different ways; even separate water coolers and washrooms
Monday, October 14, 2019
Computer Systems Essay Example for Free
Computer Systems Essay
Sunday, October 13, 2019
Basics Of Embedded Systems
Basics Of Embedded Systems The term embedded systems is quite a complex one. Simply put, it is a combination of hardware and software that performs the component of a larger system. A few years ago embedded technology existed in stand alone devices such as vending machines and copiers that did their jobs with little regards for what went on around them. But as technology advance to connect devices to the internet and to each other, the potential of embedded technology has increased. Home appliances, mobile phones, cars, tiny micro chips, avionics etc.., are all using embedded technology. High-profile embedded chips are scaleable, generate small amounts of heat, and consume less power. These are generally preferred for their speed, accuracy and reliability. As they are compact in size and ability to perform time-critical and task specific operators, embedded devices find application in all segments of industrial and commercial market places and home appliances. In recent years,it became apparent that control systems as integral components of larger systems, should be developed and designed concurrently with mechanics, hydraulics, and electronics. It is important that engineers have a good understanding of the implications of software technology embedded into traditional engineering systems. Current machines consist of physical components providing the means and a control system employing those means to fulfill the machines function. Together, they build up the controlled machine, which can also be called an embedded system. . New innovative applications in different areas will make embedded systems as one of the fastest developing technology of the near future. This paper deals with concepts and developments of embedded systems in control of machines and gives a general overview of the basic components of control systems, ranging from sensors to actuators. Embedded Systems An embedded system employs a combination of hardware software (a computational engine) to perform a specific function; is part of a larger system that may not be a computer; works in a reactive and time-constrained environment. Software is used for providing features and flexibility Hardware = {Processors, ASICs, Memory} is used for performance ( sometimes security) The term embedded system can be used for a wide range of applications and devices. A useful definition is not easy to formulate. Boasson mentioned one characteristic that applies to all embedded systems: Neither the computer system without the special environment in which it is embedded, nor the environment without the computer system has any significance in itself. An embedded system employs a combination of hardware software (a computational engine) to perform a specific function; is part of a larger system that may not be a computer; works in a reactive and time-constrained environment. Basics of Embedded systems An embedded systems typically comprises the hardware, embedded RTOS, device drivers, communication stacks and embedded application software. Embedded hardware: The embedded hardware mainly consists of a microcontroller with various peripheral ICs. A fixed size volatile memory such as DRAM or SRAM and non volatile memory such as Flash or EPROM, connected to the microcontroller, are an integral part of the device. Depending on the targeted application of the device, the peripheral can include communication device such as serial controller, Ethernet controller, or a wireless communication controller and other application-specific ICs (ASICs). Many handheld devices these days also have sensors, actuators, keypads and graphical LCD screens as user interfaces. The only way a embedded machine control system can get information about its surroundings, is through the use of sensors and/or sensor systems. Control signals from the embedded control are converted into power and/or movement through Actuators. Sensors: During the past years a shift has taken place from mechanization towards automation. This implies the extensive use of sensors (and actuators) in order to be able to actually control (and influence) the actions that are performed by the controlled system.In principle the task of a sensor is fairly simple. It transforms an input signal that usually is difficult to handle in its original form to a more manageable form. Between input and output of the sensor a number of processes take place to obtain the desired result, as schematically shown in Figure. Actuators: Actuators come in many forms and shapes. They act as the arms and legs of the machine. Actuators convert control signals into power and/or movement,as schematically shown in Figure below. Control signals do not have to be of electrical nature, also other kinds are possible. The power conversion can be done in a number of ways. The most common energy sources for actuators are: à ¢Ã¢â ¬Ã ¢ Compressed air, pneumatics à ¢Ã¢â ¬Ã ¢ Pressured oil, hydraulics à ¢Ã¢â ¬Ã ¢ Electricity, electro mechanics Embedded RTOS: The concept of real-time operating system (RTOS) is inseparable when we talk about embedded systems. All intelligent devices that perform complex functions have an embedded operating system inside. A real-time operating system (RTOS) is built for specific applications and guarantees response to an external event with in a specified time constraint. This operating system is typically real time in nature, i.e. it is capable of responding deterministically to time-critical external events. For example, when you suddenly apply brakes for your car to avoid an accident, the intelligent gad-get responds immediately. Imagine the plight of a driver if there is no responseà ¢Ã¢â ¬Ã ¦ the result is obvious. Device drivers: The lowest-level software that acts as glue between the operating system and the peripheral devices is called the device driver. The device driver software controls every peripheral device that is connected to the micro controller. Communication stacks: If the embedded device is capable of communicating to the external world, it has a communication software stack running on the top of the operating system. In order to connect to the Internet, the embedded device needs a TCP/IP stack. Characteristics of Embedded systems are: Small, low power, high performance Compact efficient use of PCB / IC real-estate Maximum output for minimum size High MIPS to power ratio High bus bandwidth Low interface bottlenecks Advantages: Customization yields lower area, power, cost Disadvantages: Higher HW/software development overhead. Design, compilers, debuggers May result in delayed time to market! Control Systems Control system is the section where the system senses the input by sensors and compares with the internal reference of the system and gives the output obtained through the actuators as shown in figure below. Control systems implementations: Looking at the history of controllers, we can distinguish six types of control systems: à ¢Ã¢â ¬Ã ¢ Black box or embedded control à ¢Ã¢â ¬Ã ¢ Relay-based logic control à ¢Ã¢â ¬Ã ¢ Single-board control (SBC) à ¢Ã¢â ¬Ã ¢ Programmable control (PLC) à ¢Ã¢â ¬Ã ¢ Computer numerical control (CNC) à ¢Ã¢â ¬Ã ¢ Distributed control systems (DCS) Black box or embedded control: Embedded control is all around us. More and more household appliances are being designed with some form of embedded control in it. Washing machines, microwave ovens, car radios, cellular phones, VCRs, and digital photo cameras are just a few examples of ordinary devices with embedded control in it. Embedded control is used in product itself, not in the production system with which the products are manufactured. The use of embedded control software enables product designers to design smarter products with a large portion of its functionality embedded in the software of the product. This results in increased product flexibility and the possibility to change or add new functionality without having to redesign the physical product. So, in a way the software has become the product. Relay-based logic control: Before electronic control was developed, relays (as well as pneumatic and hydraulic components) were widely used as control elements. They serve as switching, timing and multiplying mechanisms for input devices such as switches, push buttons, photo-electric sensors, etc. Since the control is hard-wired, flexibility is low and troubleshooting difficult. Today, they are less used in the actual control functions but many control applications use relays in conjunction with the more sophisticated forms of control for isolation and other specialized electromechanical functions. Single-board Control (SBC): Electronic controllers on circuit boards first appeared in the 1960s. The early ones consisted of logic modules with lots of discrete components like transistors, capacitors, resistors, etc. on them with which the desired control functions were implemented. Later on, integrated circuits (LSI, VLSI) are applied. Since no moving parts are used they are inherently more reliable than relay-based control systems. Because they are custom-made, maintenance and repair can be a problem. Many original equipment manufacturers still choose to design their own single-board controllers for their own unique machine applications. Programmable logic controller (PLC): The need for more flexibility in control systems has led to the development of the programmable logic controller, the PLC. In the early seventies, the automotive industry was growing rapidly. In order to be able to react more quickly to a changing demand in the marketplace, one had to have a more flexible, easily adaptable and expandable control system; therefore it had to be a programmable control system. The early PLCs were programmed in so-called relay ladder. Today, high level programming languages like Pascal, C/C++ and even Java are being used to program PLC(-like) systems. Computer Numerical Control (CNC): Essentially, numerical control is nothing more than sending a sequence of commands to a machine, that in turn interprets them and performs the desired movement and machining actions. Before the introduction of NC these commands were issued manually by pressing buttons and switches, turning handwheels, etc. The path information is presented in numeric coordinate values (X, Y, Z), hence the name numerical control. Distributed Control System (DCS): Relay-based control, SBC and PLC are widely used in the discrete production area. The process industry is the domain of distributed control systems, where the number of analog I/O points exceeds the number of discrete I/O points. DCSs are used where the controlled process is continuous, has a high analog content and throughput, is distributed across a large geographical area and where down time is very expensive. Embedded Systems in Control of Machines In early days, the major part of the control was built into the physical machine, using mechanical parts. Although hardware-based control is still widely applied, major developments take place in the field of software-based control. An increasing part of the design process deals with the software of the control system. The development of the microprocessor and subsequent gain in flexibility has contributed a great deal to this Controlled machine Current machines consist of a physical machine providing the means, and a machine control system employing those means to fulfill the machines function. Together, they build up the controlled machine, also called an embedded system. The term embedded system is used for a wide range of applications or devices. The physical machine can be considered to consist of three subsystems: the main structure, actuators and sensors. The main structure physically connects the parts of the two remaining sub systems. The machine control system sends information to the actuators and receives information from the sensors via the I/O-interface. The machine control system can be divided into five functional subsystems: à ¢Ã¢â ¬Ã ¢ Regulative control, also referred to as direct control or feedback à ¢Ã¢â ¬Ã ¢ Error-handling control, also referred to as fault detection and isolation (FDI) or exception à ¢Ã¢â ¬Ã ¢ Supervisory control also referred to as logic control. à ¢Ã¢â ¬Ã ¢ The data processing subsystem stores and manipulates gathered data. à ¢Ã¢â ¬Ã ¢ The user interface subsystem allows the user to interact with the machine-control system. The machine control system can also be regarded as a layered control system, as shown in Figure. The bottom layer interacts directly with the actuators and sensors, that is, the physical machine. Some components are controlled directly (for instance, pneumatic components).Some components are controlled by regulative control (for instance, motorized manipulators) or by both regulative and error-handling control subsystem (for instance, robot arms). Some components are controlled by an error-handling subsystem only (for instance, warning lamps or safety locks). The intermediate layer is involved in scheduling, coordinating control of individual machine components, gathering and processing data, monitoring and compensating possible machine failures, and providing the top layer with the required information on the machine status. The top layer allows the user to interact with and to monitor the machine. Machine control is closely related to manufacturing control. The goal of machine control is to perform certain manufacturing functions in a controlled manner. Machine control enables us to influence production means in such a way that the manufacturing process produces the desired products of the correct quality at the planned time in the required quantity. Over the years, a lot of developments have taken place in production methods, machine design and machine control design. Not surprisingly, they all influence each other. In the route from manual work to automation we can distinguish five phases of mechanization or automation. The meaning of the term phase of mechanization is the extent to which a machine or production system can function independently, without human intervention. Manual labour with tools Specific machines Universal machines Multiple link specific machines Multiple specific Intelligent control In universal machines, control is embedded in the machine itself, through the use of mechanical parts like eccentrics, cams, camshafts, springs, gearboxes, drive axis, etc. The result depends less on the quality of the worker and more on the quality of the machine. To avoid unnecessary delays, attention has to be paid to operating procedures, work preparation, material handling and tool preparation. An example of an embedded control system: Dryer Different sub systems in the dryer are Main structure: The motor Sensors : Temperature sensor, humidity sensor Actuators : Motor driver control, fan control Machine control system : SAB-C504 Examples: Consumer electronics: e.g., cameras, camcorders . Consumer products: e.g., washers, microwave ovens Automobiles (anti-lock braking, engine control ) Industrial process controllers avionics/defense applications Computer/Communication products: e.g., printers, FAX machines Emerging multimedia applications consumer electronics: e.g., cellular phones, personal digital assistants, videoconferencing servers, interactive game boxes, TV set-top boxes Multimedia: Increasing computational demands, and increased reliance on VLSI, HW/SW integration. Embedded software can support such applications as the Internet, e-mail and MP3 decoders etc. They also support sophisticated graphical user interface screens. The automatic DAM DOOR opening systems is a system where the DAM DOORS is controlled on the speed of the raising water. A situation araises where the raising water in the river may be very fast as the rainfall increases. If the river is blocked by a DAM then the speed of the raising water will obviously rise very soon. To prevent this raising and to prevent flooding of the river bank the DAM DOORS has to be opened but with a controlled speed because there is no point on opening the DOOR slowly if the water is raising at a quicker pace. It is a circuit to measure the flow rate of water .Using this device one can determine the total volume of water raised in the river. The instrument is a microcontroller based system. It can have a optional of manual operation. In manual method of measuring the flow rate of water, we need to observe the rise of water in river .As soon as water reaches a fixed point in the river , we press start button on the stopwatch .After the water reaches another fixed point, we need to press stop button on the stopwatch. The observed time and level are used to calculate the flow rate of the water. Flow rate = volume/time But in this procedure there are chances of errors . The device eliminates the errors and has the following features. Automatically senses the level and generates triggering pulses for counting of the elapsed time there by providing basis for calculation of the flow rate of waters. Includes the circuit for digital display of the elapsed time using MICROCONTROLLER as well as a 7-segment display. DESCRIPTION : The circuit can be divided into four blocks ,namely ,sensor ,logic controller ,pulse generator ,switching module. The sensor section for conducting waters: Sensor 1 is permanently connected to circuit ground, while sensors 2 and 3 should/might be connected to positive supply via some pull up resistors. When the water level touches sensor 2 and/or sensor 3, 2 and/or 3 are pulled low towards ground potential. As a MODEL PROJECT we can use small spherical stainless steel probes as sensors and screw the wires coming from the circuit to them . To avoid oxidation and sulphation of the naked portion, we can cover the joints using araldite or any other suitable epoxy compound .For longlife and protection against weather, we can use Teflon-insulated multistrand wires . For proper support wires along with the probes , a PVC support rod may be used for tying the wires to PVC rod to keep them in their proper position. The logical control section: This section might comprises a quad two-input NOR gates. When the water level is so slow that both sensors 2 and 3 are out of the water , the voltage at input of NOR gates may become logic 1 ,while their other input terminals may be logic 0. So the output pins of NOR gates are at logic 0. The output of those/that NOR gates connected to sensor 2 and 3 and the output of those/that NOR gates from sensor 1 are terminated at another NOR gate where in we get logic 0. The logic controling cuircuit is proposed to be designed to give an apropriate logical output acording to the the sensor inputs. The output This final output of the logic control unit is proposed to keep the pulse generator formed by timer IC. It is decided that the timer IC will be 555. When the water level rises to touch sensor 2 the output of the NOR gates combination should be logic 1,which initiates the operation of the pulse generator. When the water level further rises to touch sensor 3, the output of NOR gate will be logic 0, which should be in a position to terminate the operation of the pulse generator. In this way, the pulse generator can be automatically controlled as per other requirement. Pulse generator: Timer IC 555 will be used in out project to generate pulses with pulse recurrence frequency of 1 Hz. The frequency /period of the astable should depend on combination of resistences , capasitences and variable resistences also. The switching section: The switching module is used to make and break switch contacts at 1 Hz rate, using the output of the timer IC555 . This function analogous to pressing/releasing of a push-to -on switch once a second . An optocoupler is proposed to be used for making/breaking contact between to points. Whenever the output of timer IC555 goes high, the optocoupler conducts . this optocoupler is connected to the microcontroller KIT. The road ahead Telematics: The impact of telematics would be really innovative. With access to e-mail the internet, and telephone services, car occupants could shop and bank online, receive traffic and navigation information, and avail of remote diagnostics facilities Automotive electronics: Remember the talking car in the serial knight rider, a fully computerized car capable of doing almost everything a car lover would want to. Seems like a fantasy but the day is not far when almost all automobiles would interact with computers on dash- boards. From ordering a pizza to booking tickets at the nearest theaters, things would be as easy as giving orders to your servant. Whole of which would be possible with embedded systems. Mistral software is in the process of developing text to speech and speech reorganization technologies to give the car occupants the ultimate comfort. Whenever theres a call on your mobile, you need not get jumpy at the very onset of the call. The computer in the cars dashboard would do the job for you. GPS navigation guides you safely through the traffic. The GPS interface in the car pinpoints your exact location on a map. In case GPS signal cant be received due to high density of tall buildings or other magnetic interface, the dead reckoning technique, which works for short durations, guides you effectively. The system is also loaded with GSM/CDMA protocol standards. Biomedical solutions: The biomedical chord developed by mistral is a centrelised patient monitering system that allows remote monitering of up to 32 patients at a given time through a central computer. It can process of maximum of 32 channels usin the state-of-the-art DSP in a PC environment. Economy: The world of embedded systems is a dreamers paradise with unlimited possibilities. According to the global market size for embedded software development alone was $7 billion in 2001, which is expected to reach $20 billion in 2003 and $31 billion by 2005.For India are $400 million. $750 million and $1.1 billion respectively. In India RD in embedded system was worth $1.1 billion in 2001, which would grow to $8 billion by 2008. CONCLUSION: Further more, embedded systems are rapidly becoming a catalyst for change in the computing, data communications, telecommunications, industrial control and entertainment sectors. Automatic systems in any field will be useful and will save the people and organizations. New innovative applications in these as well as other areas will make embedded systems as one of the fastest developing technology of the near future.Thus the embedded system plays an important role in our day today life.
Saturday, October 12, 2019
Morrisons Beloved: A Review :: essays research papers
Morrison's Beloved: A Review Everything in a novel is there only because the author chooses it to be there: characters, plot devices, structure and pacing, tone, etc. all are ways in which the author says what he/she has to say. Morrison implements different characters and ideas to enhance the slavery of the time and its lasting affects. While the story is of heartbreak there are various representations of concepts. Which can be seen through realism and the characters of Mr. Bodwin and Baby Suggs. Mr. Bodwin is a white abolitionist and has high hopes for blacks in the future. He spends the happiest years of his life struggling for emancipation of blacks. Mr. Bodwin represents a time in history where slavery starts to come into question. People (white) started to realize this travesty and begin to speak up and act towards the abolition of slavery. The abolitionists begin a process which will eventually end in the 60's where blacks will attain complete freedom. They begin a legacy of freedom fighters that will not stop till blacks receive the right they so deserved. Future leaders of known fame will be Malcolm X and Martin Luther King which will carry on this battle begun by the abolitionists. Baby Suggs, is Halle's mother and Sethe's mother - in - law, and is an important character in the story in that she brings about many aspects of self- pride and versatility. Suggs lived through the "slavery" and came out of the ordeal with strength of her character alone. Slavery at the time broke down the slaves making them have low self- esteem and low worth. But Suggs brings about the part of resiliency that was needed to beat the "system." Her faith in God and self makes her the prominent legacy. As she rose above slavery so have other individual rose above persecution and hardship across the years. For instance, World Wars, Holocaust, and the depression to name a few. Morrison throughout Beloved offers realism of the times and consequences that occurred with the slaves. Morrison paints a picture post -Civil War life that leaves many black people lost in America. Blacks after the civil War emerged all across the South with no place to go. The South was in ruins in every sense and the Black freed slaves were confused. They had been separated from their families, lost any property they may have had, they wandered in search of a better life. Just because Slavery was abolished didn't mean all was
Friday, October 11, 2019
Example Research: Critical Discourse Analysis
18 Critical Discourse Analysis TEUN A. VAN DIJK 0 Introduction: What Is Critical Discourse Analysis? Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is a type of discourse analytical research that primarily studies the way social power abuse, dominance, and inequality are enacted, reproduced, and resisted by text and talk in the social and political context. With such dissident research, critical discourse analysts take explicit position, and thus want to understand, expose, and ultimately resist social inequality.Some of the tenets of CDA can already be found in the critical theory of the Frankfurt School before the Second World War (Agger 1992b; Rasmussen 1996). Its current focus on language and discourse was initiated with the ââ¬Å"critical linguisticsâ⬠that emerged (mostly in the UK and Australia) at the end of the 1970s (Fowler et al. 1979; see also Mey 1985).CDA has also counterparts in ââ¬Å"criticalâ⬠developments in sociolinguistics, psychology, and the social sciences, some already dating back to the early 1970s (Birnbaum 1971; Calhoun 1995; Fay 1987; Fox and Prilleltensky 1997; Hymes 1972; Ibanez and Iniguez 1997; Singh 1996; Thomas 1993; Turkel 1996; Wodak 1996). As is the case in these neighboring disciplines, CDA may be seen as a reaction against the dominant formal (often ââ¬Å"asocialâ⬠or ââ¬Å"uncriticalâ⬠) paradigms of the 1960s and 1970s.CDA is not so much a direction, school, or specialization next to the many other ââ¬Å"approachesâ⬠in discourse studies. Rather, it aims to offer a different ââ¬Å"modeâ⬠or ââ¬Å"perspectiveâ⬠of theorizing, analysis, and application throughout the whole field. We may find a more or less critical perspective in such diverse areas as pragmatics, conversation analysis, narrative analysis, rhetoric, stylistics, sociolinguistics, ethnography, or media analysis, among others. Crucial for critical discourse analysts is the explicit awareness of their role in society.Continuing a tra dition that rejects the possibility of a ââ¬Å"value-freeâ⬠science, they argue that science, and especially scholarly discourse, are inherently part of and influenced by social structure, and produced in social interaction. Instead of denying or ignoring such a relation between scholarship and society, they plead that such relations be studied and accounted for in their own right, and that scholarly practices Critical Discourse Analysis 353 be based on such insights. Theory formation, description, and explanation, also in discourse analysis, are sociopolitically ââ¬Å"situated,â⬠whether we like it or not.Reflection on the role of scholars in society and the polity thus becomes an inherent part of the discourse analytical enterprise. This may mean, among other things, that discourse analysts conduct research in solidarity and cooperation with dominated groups. Critical research on discourse needs to satisfy a number of requirements in order to effectively realize its ai ms: â⬠¢ â⬠¢ â⬠¢ â⬠¢ â⬠¢ As is often the case for more marginal research traditions, CDA research has to be ââ¬Å"betterâ⬠than other research in order to be accepted.It focuses primarily on , social problems and political issues, rather than on current paradigms and fashions. Empirically adequate critical analysis of social problems is usually multidisciplinary. Rather than merely describe discourse structures, it tries to explain them in terms of properties of social interaction and especially social structure. More specifically, CDA focuses on the ways discourse structures enact, confirm, legitimate, reproduce, or challenge relations of power and dominance in society. Fairclough and Wodak (1997: 271-80) summarize the main tenets of CDA as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. . 7. 8. CDA addresses social problems Power relations are discursive Discourse constitutes society and culture Discourse does ideological work Discourse is historical The link between text and soc iety is mediated Discourse analysis is interpretative and explanatory Discourse is a form of social action. Whereas some of these tenets have also been discussed above, others need a more systematic theoretical analysis, of which we shall present some fragments here as a more or less general basis for the main principles of CDA (for details about these aims of critical discourse and language studies, see, e. . , Caldas-Coulthard and Coulthard 1996; Fairclough 1992a, 1995a; Fairclough and Wodak 1997; Fowler et al. 1979; van Dijk 1993b). 1 Conceptual and Theoretical Frameworks Since CDA is not a specific direction of research, it does not have a unitary theoretical framework. Within the aims mentioned above, there are many types of CDA, and these may be theoretically and analytically quite diverse. Critical analysis of conversation is very different from an analysis of news reports in the press or of lessons and teaching at school.Yet, given the common perspective and the general aims of CDA, we may also find overall conceptual and theoretical frameworks that are closely related. As suggested, most kinds of CDA will ask questions about the way specific 354 Teun A. van Dijk discourse structures are deployed in the reproduction of social dominance, whether they are part of a conversation or a news report or other genres and contexts.Thus, the typical vocabulary of many scholars in CDA will feature such notions as ââ¬Å"power,â⬠ââ¬Å"dominance,â⬠ââ¬Å"hegemony,â⬠ââ¬Å"ideology,â⬠ââ¬Å"class,â⬠ââ¬Å"gender,â⬠ââ¬Å"race,â⬠ââ¬Å"discrimination,â⬠ââ¬Å"interests,â⬠ââ¬Å"reproduction,â⬠ââ¬Å"institutions,â⬠ââ¬Å"social structure,â⬠and ââ¬Å"social order,â⬠besides the more familiar discourse analytical notions. ââ¬Ë In this section, I focus on a number of basic concepts themselves, and thus devise a theoretical framework that critically relates discourse, cognition, and society. 1. 1 Macro vs. microLanguage use, discourse, verbal interaction, and communication belong to the microlevel of the social order. Power, dominance, and inequality between social groups are typically terms that belong to a macrolevel of analysis. This means that CDA has to theoretically bridge the well-known ââ¬Å"gapâ⬠between micro and macro approaches, which is of course a distinction that is a sociological construct in its own right (Alexander et al. 1987; Knorr-Cetina and Cicourel 1981). In everyday interaction and experience the macro- and microlevel (and intermediary ââ¬Å"mesolevelsâ⬠) form one unified whole.For instance, a racist speech in parliament is a discourse at the microlevel of social interaction in the specific situation of a debate, but at the same time may enact or be a constituent part of legislation or the reproduction of racism at the macrolevel. There are several ways to analyze and bridge these levels, and thus to arrive at a unified critical anal ysis: Membersââ¬âgroups: Language users-engage in discourse as members of (several) social groups, organizations, or institutions; and conversely, groups thus may act ââ¬Å"byâ⬠their members. Actionsââ¬âprocess: Social acts of individual actors are thus constituent parts of group actions and social processes, such as legislation, newsmaking, or the reproduction of racism. 3 Contextââ¬âsocial structure: Situations of discursive interaction are similarly part or constitutive of social structure; for example, a press conference may be a typical practice of organizations and media institutions. That is, ââ¬Å"localâ⬠and more ââ¬Å"globalâ⬠contexts are closely related, and both exercise constraints on discourse. Personal and social cognition: Language users as social actors have both personal and social cognition: personal memories, knowledge and opinions, as well as those shared with members of the group or culture as a whole. Both types of cognition inf luence interaction and discourse of individual members, whereas shared ââ¬Å"social representationsâ⬠govern the collective actions of a group. 1 1. 2 Power as control A central notion in most critical work on discourse is that of power, and more specifically the social power of groups or institutions.Summarizing a complex philosophical and social analysis, we will define social power in terms of control. Thus, groups have Critical Discourse Analysis 355 (more or less) power if they are able to (more or less) control the acts and minds of (members of) other groups. This ability presupposes a power base of privileged access to scarce social resources, such as force, money, status, fame, knowledge, information, ââ¬Å"culture,â⬠or indeed various forms of public discourse and communication (of the vast literature on power, see, e. . , Lukes 1986; Wrong 1979). Different types of power may be distinguished according to the various resources employed to exercise such power: th e coercive power of the military and of violent men will rather be based on force, the rich will have power because of their money, whereas the more or less persuasive power of parents, professors, or journalists may be based on knowledge, information, or authority. Note also that power is seldom absolute.Groups may more or less control other groups, or only control them in specific situations or social domains. Moreover, dominated groups may more or less resist, accept, condone, comply with, or legitimate such power, and even find it ââ¬Å"natural. â⬠The power of dominant groups may be integrated in laws, rules, norms, habits, and even a quite general consensus, and thus take the form of what Gramsci called ââ¬Å"hegemonyâ⬠(Gramsci 1971). Class domination, sexism, and racism are characteristic examples of such hegemony.Note also that power is not always exercised in obviously abusive acts of dominant group members, but may be enacted in the myriad of taken-for-granted actions of everyday life, as is typically the case in the many forms of everyday sexism or racism (Essed 1991). Similarly, not all members of a powerful group are always more powerful than all members of dominated groups: power is only defined here for groups as a whole. For our analysis of the relations between discourse and power, thus, we first find that access to specific forms of discourse, e. . those of politics, the media, or science, is itself a power resource. Secondly, as suggested earlier, action is controlled by our minds. So, if we are able to influence people's minds, e. g. their knowledge or opinions, we indirectly may control (some of) their actions, as we know from persuasion and manipulation. Closing the discourseââ¬âpower circle, finally, this means that those groups who control most influential discourse also have more chances to control the minds and actions of others.Simplifying these very intricate relationships even further for this chapter, we can split up the issue of discursive power into two basic questions for CDA research: 1 How do (more) powerful groups control public discourse? 2 How does such discourse control mind and action of (less) powerful groups, and what are the social consequences of such control, such as social inequality? I address each question below. ââ¬Ë 1. 2. 1 Control of public discourseWe have seen that among many other resources that define the power base of a group or institution, access to or control over public discourse and communication is an important ââ¬Å"symbolicâ⬠resource, as is the case for knowledge and information (van Dijk 1996). Most people have active control only over everyday talk with family members, friends, or colleagues, and passive control over, e. g. media usage. In many 356 Teun A. van Dijk situations, ordinary people are more or less passive targets of text or talk, e. g. f their bosses or teachers, or of the authorities, such as police officers, judges, welfare bureaucr ats, or tax inspectors, who may simply tell them what (not) to believe or what to do. On the other hand, members of more powerful social groups and institutions, and especially their leaders (the elites), have more or less exclusive access to, and control over, one or more types of public discourse. Thus, professors control scholarly discourse, teachers educational discourse, journalists media discourse, lawyers legal discourse, and politicians policy and other public political discourse.Those who have more control over more ââ¬â and more influential ââ¬â discourse (and more discourse properties) are by that definition also more powerful. In other words, we here propose a discursive definition (as well as a practical diagnostic) of one of the crucial constituents of social power. These notions of discourse access and control are very general, and it is one of the tasks of CDA to spell out these forms of power. Thus, if discourse is defined in terms of complex communicative e vents, access and control may be defined both for the context and for the structures of text and talk themselves.Context is defined as the mentally represented structure of those properties of the social situation that are relevant for the production or comprehension of discourse (Duranti and Goodwin 1992; van Dijk 1998b). It consists of such categories as the overall definition of the situation, setting (time, place), ongoing actions (including discourses and discourse genres), participants in various communicative, social, or institutional roles, as well as their mental representations: goals, knowledge, opinions, attitudes, and ideologies. Controlling context involves control over one or more of these categories, e. . determining the definition of the communicative situation, deciding on time and place of the communicative event, or on which participants may or must be present, and in which roles, or what knowledge or opinions they should (not) have, and which social actions may or must be accomplished by discourse. Also crucial in the enactment or exercise of group power is control not only over content, but over the structures of text and talk. Relating text and context, thus, we already saw that (members of) powerful groups may decide on the (possible) discourse genre(s) or speech acts of an occasion.A teacher or judge may require a direct answer from a student or suspect, respectively, and not a personal story or an argument (Wodak 1984a, 1986). More critically, we may examine how powerful speakers may abuse their power in such situations, e. g. when police officers use force to get a confession from a suspect (Linell and Jonsson 1991), or when male editors exclude women from writing economic news (van Zoonen 1994). Similarly, genres typically have conventional schemas consisting of various categories. Access to some of these may be prohibited or obligatory, e. . some greetings in a conversation may only be used by speakers of a specific social group, r ank, age, or gender (Irvine 1974). Also vital for all discourse and communication is who controls the topics (semantic macrostructures) and topic change, as when editors decide what news topics will be covered (Gans 1979; van Dijk 1988a, 1988b), professors decide what topics will be dealt with in class, or men control topics and topic change in conversations with women (Palmer 1989; Fishman 1983; Leet-Pellegrini 1980; Lindegren-Lerman 1983).Critical Discourse Analysis 357 Although most discourse control is contextual or global, even local details of meaning, form, or style may be controlled, e. g. the details of an answer in class or court, or choice of lexical items or jargon in courtrooms, classrooms or newsrooms (Martin Rojo 1994). In many situations, volume may be controlled and speakers ordered to ââ¬Å"keep their voice downâ⬠or to ââ¬Å"keep quiet,â⬠women may be ââ¬Å"silencedâ⬠in many ways (Houston and Kramarae 1991), and in some cultures one needs to â⠬Å"mumbleâ⬠as a form of respect (Albert 1972).The public use of specific words may be banned as subversive in a dictatorship, and discursive challenges to culturally dominant groups (e. g. white, western males) by their multicultural opponents may be ridiculed in the media as ââ¬Å"politically correctâ⬠(Williams 1995). And finally, action and interaction dimensions of discourse may be controlled by prescribing or proscribing specific speech acts, and by selectively distributing or interrupting turns (see also Diamond 1996).In sum, virtually all levels and structures of context, text, and talk can in principle be more or less controlled by powerful speakers, and such power may be abused at the expense of other participants. It should, however, be stressed that talk and text do not always and directly enact or embody the overall power relations between groups: it is always the context that may interfere with, reinforce, or otherwise transform such relationships. 1. 2. 2 Mind control If controlling discourse is a first major form of power, controlling people's minds is the other fundamental way to reproduce dominance and hegemony. Within a CDA framework, ââ¬Å"mind controlâ⬠involves even more than just acquiring beliefs about the world through discourse and communication. Suggested below are ways that power and dominance are involved in mind control. First, recipients tend to accept beliefs, knowledge, and opinions (unless they are inconsistent with their personal beliefs and experiences) through discourse from what they see as authoritative, trustworthy, or credible sources, such as scholars, experts, professionals, or reliable media (Nesler et al. 1993). Second, in some situations participants are obliged to be recipients of discourse, e. . in education and in many job situations. Lessons, learning materials, job instructions, and other discourse types in such cases may need to be attended to, interpreted, and learned as intended by institu tional or organizational authors (Giroux 1981). Third, in many situations there are no pubic discourses or media that may provide information from which alternative beliefs may be derived (Downing 1984). Fourth, and closely related to the previous points, recipients may not have the knowledge and beliefs needed to challenge the discourses or information they are exposed to (Wodak 1987).Whereas these conditions of mind control are largely contextual (they say something about the participants of a communicative event), other conditions are discursive, that is, a function of the structures and strategies of text or talk itself. In other words, given a specific context, certain meanings and forms of discourse have more influence on people's minds than others, as the very notion of ââ¬Å"persuasionâ⬠and a tradition of 2000 years of rhetoric may show. ââ¬Ë Once we have elementary insight into some of the structures of the mind, and what it means to control it, the crucial questi on is how discourse and its structures are able 58 Teun A. van Dijk to exercise such control. As suggested above, such discursive influence may be due to context as well as to the structures of text and talk themselves. Contextually based control derives from the fact that people understand and represent not only text and talk, but also the whole communicative situation. Thus, CDA typically studies how context features (such as the properties of language users of powerful groups) influence the ways members of dominated groups define the communicative situation in ââ¬Å"preferred context modelsâ⬠(Martin Rojo and van Dijk 1997).CDA also focuses on how discourse structures influence mental representations. At the global level of discourse, topics may influence what people see as the most important information of text or talk, and thus correspond to the top levels of their mental models. For example, expressing such a topic in a headline in news may powerfully influence how an ev ent is defined in terms of a ââ¬Å"preferredâ⬠mental model (e. g. when crime committed by minorities is typically topicalized and headlined in the press: Duin et al. 988; van Dijk 1991). Similarly, argumentation may be persuasive because of the social opinions that are ââ¬Å"hiddenâ⬠in its implicit premises and thus taken for granted by the recipients, e. g. immigration may thus be restricted if it is presupposed in a parliamentary debate that all refugees are ââ¬Å"illegalâ⬠(see the contributions in Wodak and van Dijk 2000) Likewise, at the local level, in order to understand discourse meaning and coherence, people may need models featuring beliefs that remain implicit (presupposed) in discourse.Thus, a typical feature of manipulation is to communicate beliefs implicitly, that is, without actually asserting them, and with less chance that they will be challenged. These few examples show how various types of discourse structure may influence the formation and ch ange of mental models and social representations. If dominant groups, and especially their elites, largely control public discourse and its structures, they thus also have more control over the minds of the public at large. However, such control has its limits.The complexity of comprehension, and the formation and change of beliefs, are such that one cannot always predict which features of a specific text or talk will have which effects on the minds of specific recipients. These brief remarks have provided us with a very general picture of how discourse is involved in dominance (power abuse) and in the production and reproduction of social inequality. It is the aim of CDA to examine these relationships in more detail. In the next section, we review several areas of CDA research in which these relationships are investigated. ââ¬Ë 2 Research in Critical Discourse AnalysisAlthough most discourse studies dealing with any aspect of power, domination, and social inequality have not bee n explicitly conducted under the label of CDA, we shall nevertheless refer to some of these studies below. 2. 1 Gender inequality One vast field of critical research on discourse and language that thus far has not been carried out within a CDA perspective is that of gender. In many ways, feminist Critical Discourse Analysis 359 work has become paradigmatic for much discourse analysis, especially since much of this work explicitly deals with social inequality and domination.We will not review it here; see Kendall and Tannen, this volume; also the books authored and edited by, e. g. , Cameron (1990, 1992); Kotthoff and Wodak (1997); Seidel (1988); Thorne et al. (1983); Wodak (1997); for discussion and comparison with an approach that emphasizes cultural differences rather than power differences and inequality, see, e. g. , Tannen (1994a); see also Tannen (1994) for an analysis of gender differences at work, in which many of the properties of discursive dominance are dealt with. 2. 2 M edia discourseThe undeniable power of the media has inspired many critical studies in many disciplines: linguistics, semiotics, pragmatics, and discourse studies. Traditional, often content analytical approaches in critical media studies have revealed biased, stereotypical, sexist or racist images in texts, illustrations, and photos. Early studies of media language similarly focused on easily observable surface structures, such as the biased or partisan use of words in the description of Us and Them (and Our/Their actions and characteristics), especially along sociopolitical lines in the representation of communists.The critical tone was set by a series of ââ¬Å"Bad Newsâ⬠studies by the Glasgow University Media Group (1976, 1980, 1982, 1985, 1993) on features of TV reporting, such as in the coverage of various issues (e. g. industrial disputes (strikes), the Falklands (Malvinas) war, the media coverage of AIDS. ) Perhaps best known outside of discourse studies is the media re search carried out by Stuart Hall and his associates within the framework of the cultural studies paradigm. (See, e. g. , Hall et al. 1980; for introduction to the critical work of cultural studies, see Agger 1992a; see also Collins et al. 986; for earlier critical approaches to the analysis of media images, see also Davis and Walton 1983; and for a later CDA approach to media studies that is related to the critical approach of cultural studies, see Fairclough 1995b. See also Cotter, this volume. ) An early collection of work of Roger Fowler and his associates (Fowler et al. 1979) also focused on the media. As with many other English and Australian studies in this paradigm, the theoretical framework of Halliday's functional-systemic grammar is used in a study of the ââ¬Å"transitivityâ⬠of syntactic patterns of sentences (see Martin, this volume).The point of such research is that events and actions may be described with syntactic variations that are a function of the underlyi ng involvement of actors (e. g. their agency, responsibility, and perspective). Thus, in an analysis of the media accounts of the ââ¬Å"riotsâ⬠during a minority festival, the responsibility of the authorities and especially of the police in such violence may be systematically de-emphasized by defocusing, e. g. by passive constructions and nominalizations; that is, by leaving agency and responsibility implicit.Fowler's later critical studies of the media continue this tradition, but also pay tribute to the British cultural studies paradigm that defines news not as a reflection of reality, but as a product shaped by political, economic, and cultural forces (Fowler 1991). More than in much other critical work on the media, he also focuses on the linguistic ââ¬Å"toolsâ⬠for such a critical study, such as the analysis of transitivity in syntax, lexical structure, modality, and speech acts.Similarly van Dijk (1988b) applies a theory of news discourse (van Dijk 1988a) in 360 Teun A. van Dijk critical studies of international news, racism in the press, and the coverage of squatters in Amsterdam. 2. 3 Political discourse Given the role of political discourse in the enactment, reproduction, and legitimization of power and domination, we may also expect many critical discourse studies of political text and talk (see Wilson, this volume).So far most of this work has been carried out by linguists and discourse analysts, because political science is among the few social disciplines in which discourse analysis has remained virtually unknown, although there is some influence of ââ¬Å"postmodernâ⬠approaches to discourse (Derian and Shapiro 1989; Fox and Miller 1995), and many studies of political communication and rhetoric overlap with a discourse analytical approach (Nimmo and Sanders 1981).Still closer to discourse analysis is the current approach to ââ¬Å"framesâ⬠(conceptual structures or sets of beliefs that organize political thought, policies, and discourse) in the analysis of political text and talk (Gamson 1992). In linguistics, pragmatics, and discourse studies, political discourse has received attention outside the more theoretical mainstream. Seminal work comes from Paul Chilton; see, e. g. , his collection on the language of the nuclear arms debate (Chilton 1985), as well as later work on contemporary nukespeak (Chilton 1988) and metaphor (Chilton 1996; Chilton and Lakoff 1995).Although studies of political discourse in English are internationally best known because of the hegemony of English, much work has been done (often earlier, and often more systematic and explicit) in German, Spanish, and French. This work is too extensive to even begin to review here beyond naming a few influential studies. Germany has a long tradition of political discourse analysis, both (then) in the West (e. g. about Bonn's politicians by Zimmermann 1969), as well as in the former East (e. g. he semiotic-materialist theory of Klaus 1971 ) (see also the introduction by Bachem 1979). This tradition in Germany witnessed a study of the language of war and peace (Pasierbsky 1983) and of speech acts in political discourse (Holly 1990). There is also a strong tradition of studying fascist language and discourse (e. g. the lexicon, propaganda, media, and language politics; Ehlich 1989). In France, the study of political language has a respectable tradition in linguistics and discourse analysis, also because the barrier between (mostly structuralist) inguistic theory and text analysis was never very pronounced. Discourse studies are often corpus-based and there has been a strong tendency toward formal, quantitative, and automatic (content) analysis of such big datasets, often combined with critical ideological analysis (Pecheux 1969, 1982; Guespin 1976). The emphasis on automated analysis usually implies a focus on (easily quantifiable) lexical analyses (see Stubbs, this volume).Critical political discourse studies in Spain and especially also in Latin America has been very productive. Famous is the early critical semiotic (anticolonialist) study of Donald Duck by Dorfman and Mattelart (1972) in Chile. Lavandera et al. (1986, 1987) in Argentina take an influential sociolinguistic approach to political discourse, e. g. its typology of authoritarian discourse. Work of this group has been continued and organized in a more explicit CDA framework especially by Pardo (see, e. g. her work Critical Discourse Analysis 361 on legal discourse; Pardo 1996). In Mexico, a detailed ethnographic discourse analysis of local authority and decision-making was carried out by Sierra (1992). Among the many other critical studies in Latin America, we should mention the extensive work of Teresa CarbO on parliamentary discourse in Mexico, focusing especially on the way delegates speak about native Americans (CarbO 1995), with a study in English on interruptions in these debates (CarbO 1992). . 4 Ethnocentrism, antisemitism, n ationalism, and racism The study of the role of discourse in the enactment and reproduction of ethnic and ââ¬Å"racialâ⬠inequality has slowly emerged in CDA. Traditionally, such work focused on ethnocentric and racist representations in the mass media, literature, and film (Dines and Humez 1995; UNESCO 1977; Wilson and Gutierrez 1985; Hartmann and Husband 1974; van Dijk 1991).Such representations continue centuries-old dominant images of the Other in the discourses of European travelers, explorers, merchants, soldiers, philosophers, and historians, among other forms of elite discourse (Barker 1978; Lauren 1988). Fluctuating between the emphasis on exotic difference, on the one hand, and supremacist derogation stressing the Other's intellectual, moral, and biological inferiority, on the other hand, such discourses also influenced public opinion and led to broadly shared social representations.It is the continuity of this sociocultural tradition of negative images about the Oth er that also partly explains the persistence of dominant patterns of representation in contemporary discourse, media, and film (Shohat and Stam 1994). Later discourse studies have gone beyond the more traditional, content analytical analysis of ââ¬Å"imagesâ⬠of the Others, and probed more deeply into the linguistic, semiotic, and other discursive properties of text and talk to and about minorities, immigrants, and Other peoples (for detailed review, see Wodak and Reisigl, this volume).Besides the mass media, advertising, film, and textbooks, which were (and still are) the genres most commonly studied, this newer work also focuses on political discourse, scholarly discourse, everyday conversations, service encounters, talk shows, and a host of other genres. Many studies on ethnic and racial inequality reveal a remarkable similarity among the stereotypes, prejudices, and other forms of verbal derogation across discourse types, media, and national boundaries.For example, in a va st research program carried out at the University of Amsterdam since the early 1980s, we examined how Surinamese, Turks, and Moroccans, and ethnic relations generally, are represented in conversation, everyday stories, news reports, textbooks, parliamentary debates, corporate discourse, and scholarly text and talk (van Dijk 1984, 1987a, 1987b, 1991, 1993). Besides stereotypical topics of difference, deviation, and threat, story structures, conversational features (such as hesitations and repairs in mentioning Others), semantic moves such as disclaimers (ââ¬Å"We have nothing against blacks, but . . . , etc. ), lexical description of Others, and a host of other discourse features also were studied. The aim of these projects was to show how discourse expresses and reproduces underlying social representations of Others in the social and political context. Ter Wal (1997) applies this framework in a detailed study of the ways Italian political and media discourse gradually changed, from an antiracist commitment and benign representation 362 Teun A. van Dijk of the ââ¬Å"extracommunitariâ⬠(non-Europeans) to a more stereotypical and negative por- trayal of immigrants in terms of crime, deviance, and threat. The major point f our work is that racism (including antisemitism, xenophobia, and related forms of resentment against ââ¬Å"raciallyâ⬠or ethnically defined Others) is a complex system of social and political inequality that is also reproduced by discourse in general, and by elite discourses in particular (see further references in Wodak and Reisigl, this volume). Instead of further elaborating the complex details of the theoretical relationships between discourse and racism, we shall refer to a book that may be taken as a prototype of conservative elite discourse on ââ¬Å"raceâ⬠today, namely, The End of Racism by Dinesh D'Souza (1995).This text embodies many of the dominant ideologies in the USA, especially on the right, and it specifically targets one minority group in the USA: African Americans. Space prohibits detailed analysis of this 700-page book (but see van Dijk 1998a). Here we can merely summarize how the CDA of D'Souza's The End of Racism shows what kind of discursive structures, strategies, and moves are deployed in exercising the power of the dominant (white, western, male) group, and how readers are manipulated to form or confirm the social representations that are consistent with a conservative, supremacist ideology.The overall strategy of D'Souza's The End of Racism is the combined implementation, at all levels of the text, of the positive presentation of the in-group and the negative presentation of the out-group. In D'Souza's book, the principal rhetorical means are those of hyperbole and metaphor, viz. , the exaggerated representation of social problems in terms of illness (ââ¬Å"pathologies,â⬠ââ¬Å"virusâ⬠), and the emphasis of the contrast between the Civilized and the Barbarians. Seman tically and lexically, the Others are thus associated not simply with difference, but rather with deviance (ââ¬Å"illegitimacyâ⬠) and threat (violence, attacks).Argumentative assertions of the depravity of black culture are combined with denials of white deficiencies (racism), with rhetorical mitigation and euphemization of its crimes (colonialism, slavery), and with semantic reversals of blame (blaming the victim). Social conflict is thus cognitively represented and enhanced by polarization, and discursively sustained and reproduced by derogating, demonizing, and excluding the Others from the community of Us, the Civilized. 2. From group domination to professional and institutional power We have reviewed in this section critical studies of the role of discourse in the (re)production inequality. Such studies characteristically exemplify the CDA perspective on power abuse and dominance by specific social groups. ââ¬Ë Many other studies, whether under the CDA banner or not, a lso critically examine various genres of institutional and professional discourse, e. g. text and talk in the courtroom (see Shuy, this volume; Danet 1984; O'Barr et al. 978; Bradac et al. 1981; Ng and Bradac 1993; Lakoff 1990; Wodak 1984a; Pardo 1996; Shuy 1992), bureaucratic discourse (Burton and Carlen 1979; Radtke 1981), medical discourse (see Ainsworth-Vaughn and Fleischman, this volume; Davis 1988; Fisher 1995; Fisher and Todd 1986; Mishler 1984; West 1984; Wodak 1996), educational and scholarly discourse (Aronowitz 1988; Critical Discourse Analysis 363 Apple 1979; Bourdieu 1984, 1989; Bernstein 1975, 1990; Bourdieu et al. 1994; Giroux 1981; Willis 1977; Atkinson et al. 995; Coulthard 1994; Duszak 1997; Fisher and Todd 1986; Mercer 1995; Wodak 1996; Bergvall and Remlinger 1996; Ferree and Hall 1996; Jaworski 1983; Leimdorfer 1992; Osler 1994; Said 1979; Smith 1991; van Dijk 1987, 1993), and corporate discourse (see Linde, this volume; Mumby 1988; Boden 1994; Drew and Heritage 1992; Ehlich 1995; Mumby 1993; Mumby and Clair 1997), among many other sets of genres. In all these cases, power and dominance are associated with specific social domains (politics, media, law, education, science, etc. , their professional elites and institutions, and the rules and routines that form the background of the everyday discursive reproduction of power in such domains and institutions. The victims or targets of such power are usually the public or citizens at large, the ââ¬Å"masses,â⬠clients, subjects, the audience, students, and other groups that are dependent on institutional and organizational power. 3 Conclusion We have seen in this chapter that critical discourse analyses deal with the relationship between discourse and power.We have also sketched the complex theoretical framework needed to analyze discourse and power, and provided a glimpse of the many ways in which power and domination are reproduced by text and talk. Yet several methodological and theoreti cal gaps remain. First, the cognitive interface between discourse structures and those of the local and global social context is seldom made explicit, and appears usually only in terms of the notions of knowledge and ideology (van Dijk 1998).Thus, despite a large number of empirical studies on discourse and power, the details of the multidisciplinary theory of CDA that should relate discourse and action with cognition and society are still on the agenda. Second, there is still a gap between more linguistically oriented studies of text and talk and the various approaches in the social. The first often ignore concepts and theories in sociology and political science on power abuse and inequality, whereas the second seldom engage in detailed discourse analysis. Integration of various approaches is therefore very important to arrive at a satisfactory form of multidisciplinary CDA.NOTES I am indebted to Ruth Wodak for her comments on an earlier version of this chapter, and to Laura Pardo for further information, about CDA research in Latin America. 1 It comes as no surprise, then, that CDA research will often refer to the leading social philosophers and social scientists of our time when theorizing these and other fundamental notions. Thus, reference to the leading scholars of the Frankfurter School and to contemporary work by Habermas (for instance, on legitimation and his last ââ¬Å"discourseâ⬠approach to norms and democracy) is of course common in critical analysis. Similarly, many critical studies will refer to Foucault 64 Teun A. van Dijk when dealing with notions such as power, domination, and discipline or the more philosophical notion of ââ¬Å"orders of discourse. â⬠More recently, the many studies on language, culture, and society by Bourdieu have become increasingly influential; for instance, his notion of ââ¬Å"habitus. â⬠From another sociological perspective, Giddens's structuration theory is now occasionally mentioned. It should be b orne in mind that although several of these social philosophers and sociologists make extensive use of the notions of language and discourse, they seldom engage in explicit, systematic discourse analysis.Indeed, the last thing critical discourse scholars should do is to uncritically adopt philosophical or sociological ideas about language and discourse that are obviously uninformed by advances in contemporary linguistics and discourse analysis. Rather, the work referred to here is mainly relevant for the use of fundamental concepts about the social order and hence for the metatheory of CDA. 2 Space limitations prevent discussion of a third issue: how dominated groups discursively challenge or resist the control of powerful groups. 3 Note that ââ¬Å"mind controlâ⬠is merely a handy phrase to summarize a very complex process.Cognitive psychology and mass communication research have shown that influencing the mind is not as straightforward a process as simplistic ideas about mind control might suggest (Britton and Graesser 1996; Glasser and Salmon 1995; Klapper 1960; van Dijk and Kintsch 1983). Recipients may vary in their interpretation and uses of text and talk, also as a function of class, gender, or culture (Liebes and Katz 1990). Likewise, recipients seldom passively accept the intended opinions of specific discourses. However, we should not forget that most of our beliefs about the world are acquired through discourse. In order to analyze the complex processes involved in how discourse may control people's minds, we would need to spell out the detailed mental representations and cognitive operations studied in cognitive science. Since even an adequate summary is beyond the scope of this chapter, we will only briefly introduce a few notions that are necessary to understand the processes of discursive mind control (for details, see, e. g. , Graesser and Bower 1990; van Dijk and Kintsch 1983; van Oostendorp and Zwaan 1994; Weaver et al. 1995). 5 Note tha t the picture just sketched is very schematic and general.The relations between the social power of groups and institutions, on the one hand, and discourse on the other, as well as between discourse and cognition, and cognition and society, are vastly more complex. There are many contradictions. There is not always a clear picture of one dominant group (or class or institution) oppressing another one, controlling all public discourse, and such discourse directly controlling the mind of the dominated. There are many forms of collusion, consensus, legitimation, and even ââ¬Å"joint productionâ⬠of forms of inequality.Members of dominant groups may become dissidents and side with dominated groups, and vice versa. Opponent discourses may be adopted by dominant groups, whether strategically to neutralize them, or simply because dominant power and ideologies may change, as is for instance quite obvious in ecological discourse and ideology. 6 Unfortunately, the study of the discursiv e reproduction of class has been rather neglected in this perspective; for a related approach, though, see Willis (1977). Critical Discourse Analysis 365 REFERENCES Agger, B. (1992a). Cultural Studies as Critical Theory. London: Falmer Press.Agger, B. (1992b). The Discourse of Domination. 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